The Throne Speech made it clear that management of the pandemic was front and centre on the Liberal agenda. To date, that has been a winner for them. For the official opposition to continue to muddy the COVID waters is a huge political mistake.

By Sheila Copps
First published in The Hill Times on November 29, 2021.

Politicians should save personal attacks for elections.

Canadians claim they don’t like these attacks, but history shows they work.

In the heat of a campaign, tagging someone as a part-time Canadian or just “not in it for you” works.

But we are likely three years away from an election. Using the same tactic on the prime minister makes the official opposition leader look angry and petulant.

Erin O’Toole may have reason to be angry. After all, Trudeau called the election, achieving few gains. But his job is not on the line.

Instead, all the post-election political heat is on O’Toole and his caucus in-fighting.

By attacking Trudeau personally, O’Toole and deputy leader Candice Bergen will likely push the undecided into the Liberals’ corner.

Bergen’s Question Period reference to Trudeau’s penchant for pricing surfboards instead of bread-and-butter issues was nasty.

Of course, the prime minister is not currently doing his own shopping, but neither is the leader of the opposition, whose house and grocery bills at Stornoway are paid for by the Canadian taxpayers.

What O’Toole and company should be examining are Liberal policies. When the attack is hard on issues, O’Toole may actually attract followers, instead of just turning people off.

The decision to run hard on inflation is policy-based and could yield some dividends for the Conservatives.

But the blame being focused on Trudeau and Liberal COVID spending runs counter to what most economists are saying.

There is also a chance that the interest rate spike will be short-lived as post-COVID spending splurges settle down to normal. All this remains to be seen but, in this case, the Conservatives are highlighting a fiscal issue that could differentiate them from the Liberals in a way that the Canadian public will appreciate.

If inflation continues to climb, even though it is a worldwide phenomenon, most people will blame the federal government, putting O’Toole in a good position to say, “I told you so.”

But if the Tory leader wants Canadians to consider a shift toward the Conservatives, he has to get his own party’s house in order.

It was a mistake to make COVID the first order of business in the new session. The Conservative whip asked re-elected House Speaker Anthony Rota to rule on the legality of the Commons Board of Internal Economy’s decision to block unvaccinated MPs from entering the House of Commons precinct.

The Conservative position runs counter to all other parties, which unanimously support the vaccine requirement for all their Members of Parliament. The Conservatives continue to claim they support vaccinations, but do not want to make them mandatory in any sector. They also refuse to provide full disclosure on which of their members have not yet been vaccinated.

By refusing to send a clear message on mandatory inoculations, O’Toole’s party is managing to offend the 80 per cent of the population that has followed scientific advice and gotten a vaccination.

The fact that Members of Parliament won’t reveal their vaccination status is frightening, as Question Period has the potential to become a super spreader event.

Government House Leader Mark Holland has already made noises about the number of Conservatives who have secured medical exemptions from the vaccine. Holland is publicly claiming that the number of Tories who may have already secured medical exemptions is statistically impossible.

No doubt, dubious medical exemptions will likely become another story that will serve to underline just how badly the Tories are offside with the rest of the country.

According to Holland, statistically speaking only one Conservative of the 119-member caucus should be qualifying for a medical exemption from vaccination.

No one knows how many Conservatives have been exempted as the party refuses to say.

But as long as the issue is on the public agenda, and parliament is seized with votes on mandatory vaccines for federal employees and travelers on trains or planes, the Conservatives will continue to be on the wrong side of the issue.

Almost two years into the pandemic, scientific experts are calling on governments to convince people to get vaccinated with hopeful messaging, not fearmongering.

But if Parliamentarians themselves are not on board, how can they possibly convince the country to vaccinate our children and follow up with booster shots when necessary?

The Throne Speech made it clear that management of the pandemic was front and centre on the Liberal agenda.

To date, that has been a winner for them. For the official opposition to continue to muddy the COVID waters is a huge political mistake.

Sheila Copps is a former Jean Chrétien-era cabinet minister and a former deputy prime minister. Follow her on Twitter at @Sheila_Copps.

In a minority situation, an election can happen at any time if parties clash on spending priorities. But these are not ordinary times. In the middle of a pandemic, even getting to the polls is complicated.

By Sheila Copps
First published in The Hill Times on September 28, 2020.

OTTAWA—The election cat and mouse games begin.

In a minority situation, an election can happen at any time if parties clash on spending priorities.

But these are not ordinary times. In the middle of a pandemic, even getting to the polls is complicated.

The British Columbia government just called an Oct. 24 election. Hours after the call, it was revealed that voting results could take weeks to tabulate.

Because of the second wave of the pandemic, many people are limiting their movement amongst larger crowds.

Within hours of the election call, 20,000 requests for mail-in ballots had been sent to Elections BC.

According to officials, they expect a mail-in participation of up to 40 per cent, which means 800,000 ballots, compared to only 6,500 people in the 2017 campaign.

Election law says that absentee ballots cannot be tallied until the final results of the polls are counted, and that could be up to 13 days after the vote.

Given Canada Post’s COVID-based backlog as more people shop via the internet, the arrival of that many ballots could clog up the system for up to three weeks.

British Columbia Premier John Horgan called the snap election a year sooner than the end of his mandate, but his announcement came as no surprise. He and his team have been busy rolling out pre-election promises for weeks.

The early call is a gamble for Horgan, but he is also banking on the pandemic bounce that has been felt by leaders across the country.

New Brunswick Premier Blaine Higgs recently launched a similar quick COVID call two years into his minority mandate and was rewarded with a comfortable majority.

Popularity numbers for Ontario Premier Doug Ford and François Legault have also risen during the pandemic.

Even though both provinces are plagued by high levels of contagion and an increasing concern with the arrival of the second wave, the electorate has been happy with their work.

Voters are also witnessing unprecedented federal-provincial harmony which provides a peaceful backdrop in a world pandemic that could easily morph into panic.

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau is not oblivious to the crisis bump.

When the Corona virus impact appeared to be waning, the summer was replete with scandal stories like the one that caused WE Canada to shutter its operations.

But with the return of kids to classrooms, and more people back at the workplace and larger social gatherings, the predicted second wave is upon us.

The prime minister’s televised national address was designed to promote calm but also encourage Canadians to stay the course with limited social contacts and self-distancing.

He has also set out a plan designed to put the Liberals on a collision course with all opposition parties.

On the left, New Democratic Party Leader Jagmeet Singh is doing his best to put his party’s stamp on promised items like national pharmacare and childcare.

But the Liberals are crowding their space with the intention of securing support from voters who might swing between both parties.

On the right, Erin O’Toole is going to have to refrain from coming away from the Throne Speech as Mr. No. His focus on the deficit and spending may sit well on Bay Street but it does not comfort Main Street Canadians who are losing jobs, homes and life savings because of the financial havoc wreaked by the pandemic.

Then there is the Bloc Québécois. Trudeau’s promise to introduce national standards for long-term care facilities, a direct result of the deaths of thousands of innocent seniors, has raised the hackles of the premier and the nationalists in the province.

They claim that Ottawa should merely increase health budgets and that will solve all the problems.

However, the image of the premier calling in Canadian soldiers to clean up the mess in multiple facilities was not lost on the ordinary Quebecer.

Long-term care is solely the provincial jurisdiction, but it is obvious that the basic rule of protecting the health of citizens and workers was sadly ignored in multiple institutions in more than one province.

Canadians are wise enough to know that it makes sense to work on a national plan in a pandemic that has already killed almost 10,000 people. There is a public interest argument that trumps federal-provincial fights.

Trudeau is itching to test his vision in a federal election, but he risks a backlash if the Liberals are seen to provoke it.

However, Liberals would be happy if an opposition party pulls the plug,

Meanwhile the political war games are on.

Sheila Copps is a former Jean Chrétien-era cabinet minister and a former deputy prime minister. Follow her on Twitter at @Sheila_Copps.

British Columbia Premier Christy Clark had to know what kind of reaction her Throne Speech critique of Alberta would provoke. She planned it because nothing detracts from internal political problems like a good neighbourhood dustup.

By Sheila Copps
First published in The Hill Times on February 15, 2016.

OTTAWA—When the going gets tough, the tough get slagging.

It is a political game as old as the hills. Politicians play it for the simple reason that it works.

British Columbia Premier Christy Clark had to know what kind of reaction her Throne Speech critique of Alberta would provoke. She planned it because nothing detracts from internal political problems like a good neighbourhood dustup.

The late Calgary mayor Ralph Klein went on to become Alberta’s most popular premier after he bluntly coined the phrase “let the eastern bastards freeze in the dark.”

During the national energy program, the federal Liberal government was so despised that it was easy to paint all easterners with the same brush.

Alberta Conservative politicians have been dining for years on the offal of that 35-year-old energy decision, initiated in the aftermath of two world oil shortages.

Even Alberta kids who weren’t born during the last century know about the terrible eastern plague visited on their province by the national government.

The bottom line is that picking fights, and continuing them long after they are relevant, works for politicians.

Politicians of all persuasions understand the power of engaging your citizens in a fight against a common enemy. Just ask Donald Trump. But what is good for politicians can be economically counterproductive.

Alberta is in trouble now, and it behooves all of us as Canadians to step in and support the province.

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s decision to roll out the first major infrastructure investments in Alberta was recognition that governments should help those who need it most.

Contrary to past history, last week’s interprovincial fight was started by another western province taking direct aim at Alberta’s economic record.

On the heels of a stinging credit downgrade, the calculated attack on Alberta was unconscionable. Why kick another province while it’s down? Isn’t that the time when we are supposed to stick together? Or has the country become so deeply fragmented that there is no such thing as the national interest?

One thing is for certain. Clark’s calculated cheap shot blew apart any notion of western solidarity.

One should not be too surprised. This is the same premier who rejected federal Senate reform overtures within minutes of being asked to join a new process.

Sadly, British Columbia and Saskatchewan have both been working overtime to encourage Alberta businesses to relocate.

Saskatchewan Premier Brad Wall, in a bid to buttress federal leadership credentials within his own party, is ready and willing to fight all comers.

As Alberta is facing tough times, you would think neighbouring provinces could come together in aid of a friend in need. The country banded together to support Saskatchewan during the great drought of 2001-2002.

Today it appears that filial felicity is dead. There is a lot more ink to be spilled and political gains to be made in attacking our neighbours than in supporting them.

One lone voice reminded us how Alberta was there to support an unemployed workforce when the cod fishery collapsed in Newfoundland in the late nineties.

As the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation’s Rex Murphy eloquently recalled, thousands of laid-off fellow Newfoundlanders found jobs in the Alberta oilfields. Some say Fort McMurray boasts more expats from The Rock than native Albertans.

Clark’s calculated attack left the door open for Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to show some real national leadership.

By calling on provinces to come together in times of trouble, Trudeau could remind all of us of a greater Canadian value.

Quebec and Ontario have recently formalized their relationship, with joint cabinet meetings and ministers cooperating on common economic goals and environmental issues. Instead of fighting each other for a small piece of the pie, they are trying to figure out how almost 21 million citizens can better bake a bigger pie.

Quebec and Ontario are stronger when they work together. They avoid cannibalizing each other in the hunt for international investment. Alberta and British Columbia need to follow their example.

Individually, each province loses when it fails to engage its neighbours. The opportunities presented by abolishing interprovincial barriers and working together on pipeline, energy and other economic collaborations are much more promising than what can be accomplished by building walls.

Clark, a combative politician, is adept at talking out of both sides of her mouth. The same week that she deliberately introduced a nasty polemic into the government’s throne speech, the premier claimed at a fundraiser that Albertans were her province’s best friends in Canada.

With friends like that, bring on the enemies.

Sheila Copps is a former Jean Chrétien-era cabinet minister and a former deputy prime minister. Follow her on Twitter at @Sheila_Copps.