In Canada’s case, the unanimous view of Parliament sends a message to the world that trying to educate someone into a change in their sexual preference just does not work.

By Sheila Copps
First published in The Hill Times on December 6, 2021.

Canada’s conversion therapy ban was a stellar political moment for Parliament.

As members from all sides of the House of Commons came together with hugs and handshakes, it showed how politics can actually provoke real change.

The unanimous consent made the decision even sweeter. It also sends an important message to the world that Canada will not brook homophobia or gay bashing.

In the same week, the Court of Appeal in Botswana, in a unanimous decision, outlawed the criminalization of consensual same-sex activities.

In a stern rebuke to political leaders who still want to criminalize gay sex, the court of appeal judge president said, “Those (criminal code) sections have outlived their usefulness and serve only to incentivize law enforcement agents to become keyhole peepers and intruders into the private space of citizens.”

Prior to the Court of Appeal ruling, same-sex intercourse could result in a seven-year prison term in Botswana.

Government officials have not yet decided on appeal but in its presentation to court, the state claimed that the penal code outlawing gay sex was still the prevailing choice in Botswana.

In Canada’s case, the unanimous view of Parliament sends a message to the world that trying to educate someone into a change in their sexual preference just does not work.

The unanimity of the vote was great news for Conservative leader Erin O’Toole who saw his recent electoral hopes dashed when his party was deemed too right wing to govern.

Unanimity took most observers by surprise since, in the last Parliament, 62 Conservatives had voted against a similar ban, claiming the language was too vague.

This time, Justice Minister David Lametti said he clarified the language, and the motion for unanimous consent was introduced by Conservative Rob Moore.

The Conservative leader’s spokesperson backed the support by saying O’Toole “has long been an ally to the LGBTQ community and will continue to support efforts to ban conversion therapy.”

Unanimous voting from the New Democrats and the Bloc Quebecois was expected but no one thought the Conservatives would band together en masse in favour of the legislation.

Because of unanimity, individual votes were not required. That may prove problematic for the Tories.

Leadership candidate Lesyln Lewis came third in the leadership that chose O’Toole. She ran in support of conversion therapy.

As a new Member of Parliament, Lewis was shunned by O’Toole in shadow cabinet because of her anti-vaccine views.

The leader must believe he can withstand internal forces against conversion therapy.

The vote marginalized social conservatives in the caucus, as O’Toole stood down any internal opposition.

And that puts pressure right back on the Liberal government of prime minister Justin Trudeau.

The Liberals have been very successful in differentiating themselves from the Conservatives in the last several elections.

The Tory leadership went to O’Toole largely on the strength of social conservatism.

Otherwise, Peter MacKay would have been the winner. But MacKay’s reference to the “stinking albatross” of social conservatism weighing the party down effectively cost him the leadership.

His observation was right, but his timing was all wrong as O’Toole was able to enlist the second ballot support of all those social conservatives, he is now trying to dissociate himself from.

Last week’s unanimous vote means that no individuals will have their votes recorded when it comes to the conversion ban status.

But that may not prevent internal Conservative infighting between the leader and the social conservatives in his caucus.

By laying out a strong case to support the conversion therapy ban and supporting it with real numbers in the House of Commons, O’Toole is definitely moving away from the stigma which has hurt his party in the last couple of elections.

But politics is a long game, and it may not be so simple for the Conservative leader when private members’ bills on issues like abortion come up for debate in the House.

With the anti-abortion movement gaining steam in the United States, their Canadian counterparts will be emboldened. And the only party that carries their brief, albeit briefly, is the Conservative Party.

Members who have been absent from last week’s conversion therapy voice vote will not stand down when it comes to restrictions on abortion.

O’Toole has managed to move his party closer to the centre with last week’s unanimous vote. But whether he can keep the rest of his caucus there is the larger question.

If he can, that spells trouble for Liberals. The one thing standing between O’Toole and government is the moderate middle.

Sheila Copps is a former Jean Chrétien-era cabinet minister and a former deputy prime minister. Follow her on Twitter at @Sheila_Copps.

And it appears as though Erin O’Toole is about to make the same mistake as his predecessor, Andrew Scheer.

By Sheila Copps
First published in The Hill Times on March 22, 2021.

Leslyn Lewis is no Peter MacKay.

And the fact that MacKay was missing in action while Lewis was co-chair of the virtual national Conservative convention spells trouble.

It basically means that Erin O’Toole is making his bed with the social conservatives who have cost Tories a couple of elections.

MacKay characterized the social conservative views of his party as a “stinking albatross.” That statement probably cost him the leadership, but its truthfulness was borne out by the election results.

And it appears as though O’Toole is about to make the same mistake as his predecessor, Andrew Scheer.

By giving the convention spotlight to Lewis, the leader plans to line up behind a wing in his party that is anti-choice, anti-gay, and supportive of conversion therapy.

Her “surprising” sweep of Saskatchewan during the leadership against O’Toole was not surprising at all. The Saskatchewan wing of the party is dominated by social conservatism.

O’Toole has also made the mistake of letting MacKay know that his presence is not wanted in the next election.

That, in and of itself, is a gift to the Liberals.

MacKay and his father, Elmer, have deep Atlantic roots that started with the Progressive Conservatives.

MacKay distinguished himself as a fiscal conservative and social liberal, following the road map set out by successful past leaders including two-time Progressive Conservative prime minister Brian Mulroney.

MacKay could have done some serious damage to Liberal hegemony in Atlantic Canada. He would also have been able to enlist support from long-time Mulroney supporters who are somewhat reluctant to jump in bed with the albatrosses that O’Toole is favouring.

Lewis, the first woman of colour to run for the federal party’s leadership, is bright and well-educated but has very little political experience.

She has been acclaimed to run in the Haldimand-Norfolk, Ont., riding that is being vacated by long-time Conservative heavyweight Diane Finley.

The riding has been characterized in the media as a Conservative stronghold, but history does not actually back up that claim.

Former Liberal MP Bob Speller actually held the riding from 1988 to 2004 and he had huge margins over his Progressive Conservative opponents until the arrival of Finley.

Lewis is being introduced into the riding by Finley but coming as a parachute from Toronto will not make things easy for her.

Her coattails are largely held by the group that the Conservatives want to distance themselves from.

But MacKay actually has coattails that can bring the progressive and regionally diverse regions back into the fold.

For the Conservatives to form government, they must make a breakthrough in Atlantic Canada, and the presence of MacKay supporters would have assisted in that regard.

The convention has made a point of kicking Derek Sloan off the team, ostensibly because of his poisonous comments on multiple issues.

But then they go and elevate his counterpart, Lewis, who has shared the similar viewpoint about social issues that he espouses.

Here’s how she explained her opposition to a ban on conversion therapy, citing the concern of parents and pastors “that their parental autonomy is being limited because the government is basically somewhat stepped in as a surrogate to tell them what they can and cannot do.”

In her platform for leadership, Lewis promised to “end abortion funding overseas … criminalize coerced abortions.”

During the leadership, she was lauded by Christianity Today as “the only one [candidate] speaking about her faith.”

So, O’Toole definitely did not need to kick out two social conservatives from the party, especially since their supporters actually delivered him the leadership.

But he certainly should not have elevated a social conservative to star status if he actually wants to win the next election.

Most Canadians believe firmly in the separation of church and state, and the vast majority do not believe that parents or pastors can convince young people to change their sexual orientation.

O’Toole’s first words after the leadership convention involved assuring Canadians that he would be marching in Gay Pride parades, unlike his predecessor. That was an important step in moving the party back to the moderate middle.

That is where they need to be if they intend to convince voters that they can be trusted not to tamper with basic reproductive rights and sexual orientation laws.

But all the work was thrown away on the weekend, as it became increasingly clear that the social conservatives are in charge of the federal Conservative team.

Sheila Copps is a former Jean Chrétien-era cabinet minister and a former deputy prime minister. Follow her on Twitter at @Sheila_Copps.

But it is not good news for the minority Liberal government.

By Sheila Copps
First published in The Hill Times on December 16, 2019.

OTTAWA—Even in resignation, Andrew Scheer was unable to muster kind words for any party other than that of the Conservatives.

His smile masked a bitterness that seemed to permeate his final goodbye to Parliament as leader.

He had fine prose for the people in his own party, and much support for the sacrifices made by his family. But he couldn’t even find one good thing to say about any other leader or party, except to put the prime minister on notice about how the Conservatives will keep holding the government to account.

Usually when people say their goodbyes to political leadership, they try to find something nice to say about everyone, even their sworn parliamentary enemies. But Scheer’s refusal to do so was equally as stubborn as his post-election fatal promise that he would never march in a Pride parade.

Scheer’s departure is good news for his party. It is not good news for the minority Liberal government.

Scheer’s brand was irreparably damaged by his own intransigent social conservatism.

By refusing to embrace a woman’s right to control her own body and by shunning Pride parades in celebration of gay equality, Scheer was a 19th century leader in a 21st century Parliament.

His grinning, father knows best, persona did not resonate with Canadian voters, and there was little chance he would be able to turn that around without a personality transplant.

Scheer’s muddled position on social issues and his weak campaign performance were a gift that kept on giving for the Liberals.

During the election, Scheer could not move the dial on the two-thirds of Canadians who simply could not vote for his socially conservative perspective.

From a refusal to move forward on climate change to the negative tone of his attacks on the prime minister, Scheer simply succeeded in pushing people away.

Even after the election, his embittered tone did not appeal to voters outside his party core.

At the end of the day, his departure opens the door to a clean sweep in the Conservatives, with a number of potential candidates for the leadership.

From Peter MacKay to Jason Kenney, and including Erin O’Toole and Rona Ambrose, there are a number of high-profile Conservatives who could replace Scheer.

And, although leadership campaigns can become internally divisive, the minority Parliament situation will temper the tone on the Tory campaign trail.

The Conservative Party wants to win the next election, so it will try to minimize any cleavages that might split the party apart.

The social conservatives who initially brought Scheer to power will also be out in full force, not wanting to lose ground to party members who are social liberals and fiscal conservatives.

The last race attracted 17 candidates, although four dropped out before the end. This time, the party will likely discourage such a broad range of participation.

The race will likely attract three or four high profile candidates, and their debates will focus on attacking the Liberals instead of each other. They understand that, during a minority situation, the best chance they have of winning the next election is to remain united. Candidates must differentiate themselves, one from another, but the tone of the campaign must remain positive and not divisive.

Given minority government, a leadership campaign needs to be relatively short in nature. There is a chance that an election could come at any time, and a leaderless party is not in a good starting position.

The party will probably move to replace Scheer before next fall. Meanwhile, the status of Scheer as a lame duck leader will help the Liberal minority manage its’ parliamentary agenda.

The Conservatives cannot go into an election without a leader, so it will be unlikely to defeat the government on any issue in the near term.

In the long term, the Tories will have a new leader and newness in politics is a huge asset. It happens to be the only profession where the more experience you get, the more people want to get rid of you.

Justin Trudeau will be facing his third election. His own personal brand carried the party in 2015 but by 2019, it was the Liberal Party that carried Trudeau to victory. Trudeau’s wounds from the SNC-Lavalin affair were deep, but even with the blackface revelations, Scheer could not get traction.

The new Tory leader won’t have that problem. She or he will be facing a two-term Liberal government.

Scheer’s symbolic walk in the snow last week has definitively reshaped Canada’s political landscape.

Sheila Copps is a former Jean Chrétien-era cabinet minister and a former deputy prime minister. Follow her on Twitter at @Sheila_Copps.